Bahrain's Crown Prince and Prime Minister Salman bin Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa looks on as he meets with U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken in Manama, Bahrain, Saturday, March 16, 2024. (Evelyn Hockstein/Pool Photo via AP)
Faced with the shocks of the Iranian war, Manama has chosen to respond through economics rather than force alone. In October 2026, Crown Prince and Prime Minister Salman bin Hamad convened the Economic Development Council, where he praised the kingdom’s “resilience” in the face of “hostile Iranian attacks.” Telecommunications, technology, tourism, and industry were designated as the first beneficiaries of invested capital.
This display of confidence masks heavy constraints. The IMF anticipates a double-digit contraction in activity for 2026, while five-year CDS spreads stand at around 350 basis points and foreign exchange reserves, down to $3.1 billion, cover less than two months of pre-war imports.
By projecting strength, the authorities seek to reassure investors and make the appeal of foreign capital a pillar of national security.
Technology comes first, and for good reason. As early as 2018, the kingdom hosted the first major regional Amazon Web Services center, then adopted the region’s first law on “data embassies,” allowing foreign states to host their data under their own jurisdiction.
Digital sovereignty becomes a legal argument for attraction. Bahrain offers regulatory flexibility and first-mover advantage, and links itself to American, Chinese, and Emirati cloud chains: a security insurance policy.
The goal remains moving away from an all-hydrocarbon economy. At the Gulf Manufacturing Forum, held in parallel, the Minister of Industry and Commerce indicated that manufacturing now ranks second in GDP, ahead of oil and gas.
More than ten years of effort by the Economic Development Council explain this: industrial rents abolished, tariff exemptions, foreign ownership opened up to 100%. Policy predictability compensates for the small size of the market.
The model, however, has its limits. Financial support from Gulf neighbors remains an indispensable safety net for defending the currency and servicing debt.
The proclaimed “resilience” therefore depends largely on the calculations of Riyadh and Abu Dhabi, which want neither a currency crisis nor a sovereign default within the GCC. Paradoxically, Bahrain’s security fragility is one of the reasons its allies support it.
In the shadow of the Strait of Hormuz, Salman bin Hamad converts capital into political support. Vulnerability remains complete, but this is probably the most pragmatic option.
